President Trump
Graham E. Fuller (grahamefuller.com)
9 November 2016
The very words hit the ear as a shock; the mind is not ready for it.
And
that is exactly the problem. We could not see it coming. Among other
things this tawdry and interminable election represents a massive
American intelligence failure. Not failure of IQ, but failure to grasp
reality—now a deeply engrained American characteristic. We not only fail
to perceive and grasp reality abroad, but now even at home.
The
Establishment was cocksure down to the last hours that such a thing
could not, would not happen. It had drunk its own Kool-Aid.
A
huge portion of this intelligence failure rests with the Democratic
Party. Its complacent certitude of its right to win, expressed right
down to the end of election day, was vivid. Such smugness also fed the
anger of Trump supporters, many of whom were apparently shamed into
hiding it, but who voted Donald Trump in the anonymity of the polling
place.
It
did not fully grasp the racism that still runs so deeply in American
society, the poisonous and corrosive legacy of slavery that has not
truly been internalized by most white people. The prejudice against
Latino, and especially Mexican people, betrays ignorance of the
historical reality that vast areas of rising Latino power in the US
today are precisely those regions that once constituted an integral part
of a large state of Mexico, its society, culture and politics—Texas,
Arizona, California.
The
US power Establishment—the two national parties, the bureaucracy, the
“deep state,” the military, the security establishment, Wall Street and
the corporations—all have believed in their own exceptionalism and right
to dominate and determine the course of American society—and indeed
even much of the rest of the world.
We
had no reason to expect that the Republican Party could serve as the
natural voice of those who feel disenfranchised and economically
marginalized—dissed in the fullest sense. In this sense, Trump was a
revolution from within the ranks of the Republican Party. Or perhaps
more accurately, he seized the mechanism of the Republican Party to
broadcast a message that the Republican establishment could not see or
believe until too late.
And
there was widespread and shocking misogyny towards Hillary Clinton and
women. And there was shocking racism in the subliminal hostility to the
legitimacy of President Obama. That cannot be blamed on the Democratic
establishment.
But
for all the ugliness of the Trump campaign, the failure and the blame
for this situation rests more deeply with the Democratic Party. This is
the party that nominally is supposed to represent the liberal conscience
of the country, of those who feel excluded or disadvantaged or just
plain hurting within American society. Yet the party’s establishment not
only remained insensitive to the deep source of discontent across
American society, it actively sought to crush expressions of it. It was
openly allied with corporate American, reveling in the contest of who
could collect greater bribe money.
Bernie
Sanders, however, did represent a true, clear, open voice articulating a
great deal—but not all—of what was profoundly wrong in American society
and politics. The Democratic establishment mocked, diminished, or
ignored that message as best it could, including President Obama
himself. Yet ironically Sanders would likely have defeated Trump.
The
performance of the New York Times is especially egregious in this
regard. I pick on the Times because it is supposed to represent
America’s greatest newspaper, the “newspaper of record,” in theory a
voice of centrist liberalism in the country. Yet the Times, fully
representing establishment and corporate interests, would not/ could not
acknowledge the Sanders campaign for what it was. It treated it as an
amusing human interest story at most, a sideshow while the big boys got
on with serious politics. It constantly opposed Sanders to the end. And
once Hillary Clinton was the anointed candidate, the Times turned its
powerful establishment guns against Trump as the sole remaining threat
to the Establishment.
There
are lots of things to dislike or even condemn about Trump and many of
his followers. But the Times abandoned any pretense of deeper
examination of the establishment that Trump was posing. It became all
anti-Trump all day 24/7 with every single writer and voice assigned a
niche role in denigrating Trump. News coverage was indistinguishable
from editorial.
The
paper became analytically a bore, predictable, a kind of
Pravda-on-Hudson. Same-old same-old every day. They began to believe it.
One had to turn to the foreign press to sometimes get a little broader
and deeper analysis.
More
hearteningly, we got to see the significant power of the left-of-center
voices, primarily relegated to the internet, which made major
contributions in understanding the phenomena at hand if anybody bothered
to look. The Nation has to rank high in this regard, a publication
largely dismissed by the Establishment as marginal, ideological and
crank. So did other sites like Truth-Out, Common Sense, Real News, Real
World News, Consortium News, Tom Englehardt, and Reader Supported News.
It was not that these sites were right about everything, and god knows
each had their own clear perspective and preferences as well, but they
were willing to examine the alternative realities around us in the
world. The Establishment and the Main Stream Media never got beyond
their own smug stance in support of what they believed was the dominant,
anointed perspective.
What
do we now face with the election of Trump? The scariest thing is that
we don’t really know. There is a welter of conflicting signals and we
each have had our favorite reasons to hate him. Yet manifestly Trump has
had his fingers on the pulse of a huge portion of the country that
feels angry, oppressed and isolated. (Sanders grasped this as well.)
Trump is also an opportunist. He will say anything to get elected. Most
politicians will, but he did it better. (Sanders, to his credit, did not
say anything to get elected—that is why the Establishment was so
shocked, dismissive and incredulous about him.)
How
else to explain the rush of the entire spectrum of the Establishment,
Democrat and Republican, including leading neoconservatives, to publicly
repudiate Trump and declare Hillary as their candidate?
At
this point, Trump’s checkered and inconsistent platform record makes it
hard to know who the real Trump is. President Obama is probably right
that Trump would seem to be temperamentally unfit to be president. But
Trump is not the first to be so.
Let’s
remember that for much of his earlier campaign Trump was often to the
left of Hillary—he said the rich should pay more taxes, he attacked and
discredited Bush Jr.’s military adventures, he said he could get along
with Putin, he said that the US should adopt a neutral stance on the
Palestinian issue, he opposed the corporatization of foreign policy in
the form of “globalization,” and he opposed compulsive US intervention
abroad. He tacitly acknowledged that America was no longer
“great”—fairly evident by so many measures, but denied shrilly by
Hillary. Trump has subsequently backed off from many of these
positions. Were those his instinctive “default” positions? They served
him well at the outset, along with lots of other bad ideas and
attitudes.
The
Republican and Democratic Establishments and the American “deep state”
are indeed aware that they may be losing their sinecure on political,
financial, military and security policy. How successful might they be in
enfolding Trump within their embrace and “rightly guiding” him. And do
we want that?
The
co-optive power of the American “deep state” is great.The Republican
and Democrat Establishment may be deeply competitive on domestic issues,
especially social ones. But they seem to close ranks on foreign
policy. There has been no debate, no discussion about American
“exceptionalism,” its right to intervene anywhere and everywhere in the
world, and the need to maintain American supremacy in all things,
especially military. The knee-jerk hatred of Russia as its former Cold
War opponent, now no longer prostrate. America’s deep fear of China as a
rising and successful rival. The reluctance to embrace multilateralism
except on US terms. The routine preference for military solutions (“if
we have it, why not use it?”) involving issues that above all require
diplomatic and political solutions. US reluctance to acknowledge the
importance of other rising nations, among them the BRICS. The tendency
to believe that every issue in the world may represent a “vital American
interest.”
In
the absence of information so far on whose President Trump’s actual
appointees will be, it is hard to speculate about future foreign policy.
Initial rumors of potential nominees are disquieting. But I tend to
think that Trump, by himself, may not be any more likely to stumble into
war than Hillary Clinton would have been. Worryingly, the foreign
policy “deep state” may override him.
Domestically,
non-white Americans, and all women, have much reason to fear his
language—even more, to fear the views and voices of many of Trump’s
supporters. But Trump may have enough ego to now try to be president of
“all of America.” His FDR, New Deal instincts—occasionally uttered—
could be significant. A bold, dramatic new domestic agenda could have
great impact and be entirely affordable, but only if corporations pay
their taxes and if half the US military budget—bigger than the next ten
nations in the world combined—was dedicated to fixing America’s crying
infrastructural and economic needs for the bottom 90% of the population.
Shockingly, we have a military budget six times greater than the monies
allocated to American education —and this in a techno-competitive
world.
In
the end, this election represents the total collapse of the Republican
Party (which is not a true conservative party but a corporate and
socially reactionary party). And the election has now gutted the
Democratic Establishment as well. It had it coming.
But
the forces that have kept this country on the wrong path for so long
are so intractable, so institutionalized, so resistant to change that it
may just require just such a massive shake-up of the system to allow
new and creative forces to arise.
Strikingly,
America is the only democracy in the world that has no Left. The US
political spectrum begins just right of center with Obama (except on
social issues) and marches on across to a Crazy Right. Indeed, it is
slanderous to be called a liberal today, much less a “leftist.” (Being a
“rightist” is fine.) Above all, we should hope that a true genuine Left
will now arise in the country, of which Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth
Warren are important components. Youth will be its vital second base.
Its ranks will grow rapidly if Trump fails to deliver.
The
need for big time change has never been more apparent. Will this
cataclysm within the Establishment now give birth to new creative
forces, bigger than Trump himself?
Graham
E. Fuller is a former senior CIA official, author of numerous books on
geopolitics and the Muslim World; his latest book is “Breaking Faith: A
novel of espionage and an American’s crisis of conscience in Pakistan.”
(Amazon, Kindle) grahamefuller.com
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