Someone
I know just received this Letter from Tel Aviv from her friend Hilla
Dayan. Hilla is an Israeli, married to a Dutch guy (PW Zuidhof) who
lives in Holland. She happened to be "on vacation" during the onset of
the assault on Gaza. She offers a view from Tel Aviv from a sadly too
rare perspective.
Letter from Tel Aviv
Why do Israelis support a costly ground invasion to Gaza?
The
summer in Israel was planned long in advance. Eager to go, our three
small children were excited to start their Lego themed summer camp. We
landed in Tel Aviv in steamy mid July, just when the current violence
started. As a Dutch-Israeli family from Amsterdam that travels
frequently to Israel we are used to being teased in calmer times about
why, for our own sanity, we do not choose a real holiday destination
instead of a conflict zone. Friends and relatives in the Netherlands are
now worried. They inquire politely as to our safety and wellbeing. On
facebook they see our shared images of dead and wounded children in
Gaza, war horrors, anti-war demonstrations, international condemnations,
outraged op-eds and petitions calling for immediate ceasefire. Pictures
from home of smiling blond kids in green parks and sunny beaches are
flickering in glaring contrast to the barrage of depressing feeds from
our “vacation.”
Our
family here knows we are appalled by the war and condemn the atrocities
in Gaza but there is no point talking about it with them. As Israeli
and Dutch citizens who want to see an end to the occupation our politics
combined with the fact that we don't live in Israel makes us outsiders,
if not outright “traitors.” We are naïve if we don’t see that hitting
Gaza hard is necessary in response to the existential threat of Hamas.
The weight of the overwhelming support for the war descends upon us
daily, heavy and inescapable like the 90% humidity in the air. In
Kindergartens, Pilates studios, hairdressers, office building signs are
posted as people collect goodies for packages to send to our soldiers in
the front. Soldiers are on everyone’s mind since the first smiley
profiles of dead young man appeared in the news. At night many Tel Aviv
restaurants and bars are empty or closed. Summer events and music
concerts are cancelled so our sister and sister-in-law doda (aunt) miki
the producer has plenty of time to spoil our children. This is war.
One of the many ironies of this “war
vacation” is that the war and the vacation do coincide. Unlike many
Israelis we are privileged to be able to take off for several weeks each
summer. We got lucky with a house swap and stay at the very heart of
Tel Aviv, complete with its Bauhaus glory and shady broad boulevards. So
we take the kids on evening strolls on Rothschild Boulevard; hang out
at Habima square, go to the beach and the pool, occasionally dine out.
Our war amounts to spending a few minutes in a friendly meet and greet
in the staircase of the apartment building if we happen to be home with
the children when the siren is on. At night we do not disturb the kids’
sleep and skip the neighborly meet and greet, like last night when the
siren went off at 2.30am.
It took us few rather disorienting days here to slowly come to the
conclusion that the palpable collective fear is disproportionate to the
actual threat. Government propaganda, lies and deceptions to galvanize
support for the war is relentless and the Iron Dome system, the system
that intercepts Hamas rockets, is just part of it. An expert opinion
according to which the Israeli population is almost 100% safe even
without it because of the inferiority of Hamas' weapons and the
abundance of shelter infrastructure seemed credible. Deep inside, we
believe, everyone knows that the chance something will happen to you
here is statistically negligible. It can happen, like the chance of
dying in a shocking aviation disaster as what happened this summer to
hundreds of Dutch citizens, but it is very unlikely. One commentator
rightly said that Iron Dome functions as the Deus-ex-Machina of this
war. Everyone but us is convinced it saves lives. We see it more as a
psychological warfare device. Curiously, much of the explosion sound
that gets people so worked up here is largely produced by the Iron Dome
system itself. What is striking if not outright suspicious is that there
is hardly any information in the aftermath of interceptions; we know
nothing about it and nobody cares. The threat of warheads in any case
gradually subsides as we write giving way to fear from terrorist
infiltration from the Gaza tunnels. This shift happened within days from
the ground invasion, which marked a notable decrease in the number of
Iron Dome alarms.
How come everyone, even in our leftie
circles, is so psychologically affected by this war? Why are they so
afraid? earlier rounds - the second Intifada with buses and markets
exploding - were much more terrifying. Of course far too many are first
and foremost afraid for the lives of their loved ones, soldiers and
reservists in Gaza. In my family a distant relative was wounded; the
brother of a friend is "inside"; The ex of a friend, who I know way back
from our military service during the first Intifada, was drafted. With
more than forty soldiers dead, it appears that the imaginary threshold
of a war too costly to wage has not been crossed. As we write this,
carnage in Gaza and the death of scores of soldiers is authorized to
continue. Why? The Israeli narcissism that concerns itself only with IDF
casualties while hundreds of bodies pile up in Gaza is nothing new. The
logic of war normality we experience here in Tel Aviv just confirms it.
The soldiers die so that we can live “normally.” Violence is inevitable
because Israel is under attack. One has to be here to understand fully
that the legitimacy of this war is not just manufactured top down by the
Israeli government. It is a genuine and widespread social reality.
Everyone, even those few hundreds opposing the war, us included, take
part daily in its production. Take for instance the dynamic of normal
routine interrupted regularly by sirens. In no time, these interruptions
themselves became a normal routine. We all got used to the “pending
emergency” situation. We are all on an emergency-normality switch mode.
People stop cars in the middle of the road to seek shelter in nearby
buildings only to go back behind the wheel and honk impatiently at the
other drivers as if nothing happened; In cafes people nervously react to
suspicious sounds, jump from their seats to the sound of sirens, and
return seconds later to their relaxed posture sipping their espressos
and so on.
Many Israelis, including very young
children, incessantly consume updates on strikes and interceptions
through the “red color” app. The app with the red icon on their
smartphones is decorated with a sound radiation sign resembling the
nuclear danger logo. Authorities, institutions, employers, all heighten
security procedures, producing signs, road signs and flyers with
instructions on buildings “safe spaces”. Municipalities put on giant
billboards with patriotic slogans, one more offensively patriotic than
the other. We received a leaflet to parents from the kids’ summer camp
advising us on how to maintain “emotional safe spaces” for our children.
On TV mainly men talk: brain-dead, repetitive, militaristic
tactic-talk. The blogger Idan Landau once aptly called this tsunami of
public appearances at times of war zman hagvarim - "the time of men."
At the same time, the witch hunt of dissenters has reached epidemic
proportions, targeting many, and women especially, who dare speak their
minds against the war. Orna Banai, Gila Almagor, Shira Gefen are famous
celebrities who were vilified for speaking out; a Palestinian
psychologist working for the Lod municipality and many like her got
fired for what they posted on facebook. The Open House LGBT organization
in Jerusalem came under attack after Elinor Sidi, its director, took a
stance against the war. In academia, university presidents published
statements warning that they monitor staff and students expressions on
social media and will resort to sanctions if they express “too extreme”
opinions. This blunt assault is what happens publicly. In private, we
know from our friends, many who are politically colored as unpatriotic
or anti-Zionist pay a great personal price. Candidates for jobs are
asked to write letters renouncing their political opinions. University
presidents intervene personally to block “controversial” appointments.
Ron Shoval, former leader of Im Tirtzu organizations called to put to
use the boycott law, from its sinful inception no more than a dead
letter law, to preemptively prosecute and jail human rights defenders.
The idea is to prevent human rights organizations from reporting to an
international investigation like the Goldstone commission after
operation Cast Lead. This witch hunt did not begin yesterday, but the
war made things much worse. We encounter both this white fascism running
through the main echelons of Israeli society, and the street fascism,
those small but well organized gangs of the extreme right who mobilize
to beat and intimidate anti-war protestors when they take to the street.
In the cultural war raging here it is the Mizrahi face of the extreme
right chanting “death to Arab” on the street that grabs all the
attention. Haaretz is covering this Mizrahi extreme right extensively.
Indeed, it is perceived by lefties especially as menacing, as the
“sewage” flooding civilized Israel. But, the white fascism of university
presidents or Im Tirtzu is far worse, far more dangerous. One Ron
Shoval is more effective in crushing dissent than a thousand street
gangs. Those are the people who really hold the key to a complete
breakdown of the façade of Israeli democracy.
We attempted to describe the regime
of manufactured fear and psychological support for the war, penetrating
all aspects of life in all directions. For the vast majority of the
country this fear is disproportionate to the actual threat. We described
also a climate of threat of violence and violence directed against any
form of dissent. In an atmosphere of pending emergency dissent is
forbidden and any government action addressing the collective paranoia
from the threat of Hamas is seen in a positive light. Needless to say,
the government does nothing to curb the climate of violence against
dissenters. Instead it incites it with reckless disregard to its
potentially disastrous consequences. We do not fear to go and
demonstrate, we are still able to do that with reasonable safety, but
staying safe on the street is a slightly more complicated task than
calculating where the nearest building entrance is in case of a siren
alarm. This regime of collective fear and collective mobilization in
support of the war is so intense, that our “war vacation” is starting to
feel like we took the wrong flight and landed in North Korea.
*
“They
are all animals” a tattooed man in his 30s muttered in our direction as
we just got up to pay for our coffee. "Are you sure ALL of them are?"
one of us replied later contemplating the stupidity of a casual response
that could have easily provoked violence. Hamas is seen as a mortal,
inhuman enemy, which must be crushed, decimated. In line with Prime
Minister Netanyahu it is for many heir to Amalek in ancient times and
Hitler. This is no apology but Israelis have been traumatized by the
savage campaigns of suicide bombings of Hamas beginning in the 1990s,
and so it is psychologically impossible for many to acknowledge that
however criminal the actions of military resistance to the occupation
sometimes are, in fact as soon as Hamas took power over Gaza in 2006 it
became an intimate strategic partner of the militant Israeli government.
Mash'al and Bibi are caught like lovers on an airplane about to crash
in a deadly embrace for their own survival. Although the IDF now deals
Hamas a military blow, the government is in fact desperate to keep the
organization somehow alive. Military sources said from the outset of the
operation that the purpose of the invasion this time is not to
“break Hamas.” Hamas’ demands for a ceasefire in turn reflect just how
addicted it became to the crumbs falling from the Israeli government
table. The script for a ceasefire was already written before the ground
invasion began. It is a matter of ending the bloody spectacle with a
mere semblance of two sides mutually bettering their positions. The
tragedy of course is that so many stand-ins and movie extras must die so
spectacularly in vain for the status quo of occupation-resistance to
continue. It may sound crazy, given all that we have said so far about
Israel in the grip of fascism, but right to left people understand
perfectly well the futility of the bloodshed. They already talk about
the next round as inevitable. Depressed and helpless to stop it many
express confusion and are simply torn between their instinct of
victimization and sense of horror at the high price in human life. What
is entirely lost or powerfully sublimated is the consequence of being
implicated in and authorizing crimes against humanity. Israelis consider
the war of position between Hamas and their government to be an
existential war, and the conduct of their enemy, they feel, absolves
them from any accountability. In their battle of survival, real and
imaginary, it only makes sense to let the enemy die and verify the
killing (vidu hariga). In this savage place no laws of war apply.
*
Our
children's renewed Israeli passports arrived just before the ground
invasion. Staring at their pictures, Israeli IDs and passport numbers,
the thought crossed our minds - why can't they be spared this terrible
burden? Why should they carry an identity associated with cruelty,
horrors, war, occupation, apartheid, crimes against humanity? They are
Dutch kids after all, fluent in Hebrew but with a thick Amsterdam
accent. Why can't they just sleep in their beds safely without their
parents agonizing about children killed in their name? We should go home
to Amsterdam or join our relatives vacationing in la Palma, a Canary
island. This war vacation and the summer disaster in the Netherlands
made us aware of our fragility, temporariness, and inability to control
what is happening in our environment. It also sharpened our differences.
At times like these mom is better off here in this normal-savage place
where she is from, and where she directly partakes in efforts to stop
the war. For dad it is crazy to be here, where he is surrounded by
supporters of war crimes, who seem superficially normal and go about
their normal lives. The kids, they just soak up the sun and enjoy
themselves tremendously, their family and friends keep them happy. Their
happiness and safety is comforting, but what would we say when they
start asking us: mom, dad, what is war, who is doing it, and why can’t
you stop it?
Hilla Dayan and PW Zuidhof
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