Below find excerpts of Harvard Professor Linda Bilmes latest analysis of
the costs of the Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Note that the costs are now
estimated to lay somewhere between $4 trillion and $6 trillion.
Find this important study at the Harvard website at https://research.hks.harvard. edu/publications/ workingpapers/citation.aspx? PubId=8956&type=WPN and
attached.
N.B. The final sentence: "In short, there will be no peace dividend, and
the legacy of Iraq and Afghanistan wars will be costs that persist for
decades."
It's not going to be a "peace dividend;" it is going to be a decades long
and gigantic expense--in addition to the moral tragedy.
The excerpts from her cogent, well written text explain how she got to her
conclusion. (The relevant page numbers are noted in
parentheses.)
The Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts, taken together, will be the most
expensive wars in US history - totaling somewhere between $4 to $6 trillion.
This includes long-term medical care and disability compensation for service
members, veterans and families, military replenishment and social and economic
costs. The largest portion of that bill is yet to be paid. Since 2001, the US
has expanded the quality, quantity, availability and eligibility of benefits for
military personnel and veterans. This has led to unprecedented growth in the
Department of Veterans Affairs and the Department of Defense budgets. (Abstract
on p. 1)
The legacy of decisions taken during the Iraq and Afghanistan wars will
dominate future federal budgets for decades to come. (Abstract on p. 1)
The US has already close to $2 trillion in direct outlays for expenses
related to Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) and
Operation New Dawn (OND). This includes direct combat operations, reconstruction
efforts, and other direct war spending by the Department of Defense (DoD), State
Department, Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) and Social Security
Administration. (P. 2)
The single largest accrued liability of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan is
the cost of providing medical care and disability benefits to war veterans.
Historically, the bill for these costs has come due many decades later.
The peak year for paying disability compensation to World War I veterans was in
1969 - more than 50 years after Armistice. The largest expenditures for World
War II veterans were in the late 1980s. Payments to Vietnam and first Gulf War
veterans are still climbing. The magnitude of future expenditures will be even
higher for the current conflict, which have been characterized by much higher
survival rates, more generous benefits, and new, expensive medical treatments.
The US has also expanded veteran's programs, made it easier to qualify for some
categories of compensation, and invested in additional staff, technology, mental
health care, medical research and other services designed to improve the
situation of newly returning veterans. (P. 2)
Finally, the decision to finance the war operations entirely through
borrowing has already added some $2 trillion to the national debt, contributing
about 20% of the total national debt added between 2001 and 2012. This level of
debt is thus one of the reasons the country faces calls for austerity and budget
cuts, which has already had an impact on the military budget through the
across-the-board cuts (the "sequester") that were allowed to take effect in
2013. The US has already paid $260 billion in interest on the war debt. This
does not include the interest payable in the future, which will reach into the
trillions. (P. 3)
The total interest on the war debt could reach $7 trillion, dwarfing all
other costs, depending on interest rates, GDP, and the level of future
borrowing. (Footnote 10 on p. 3.)
By the most conservative reckoning, the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts will
cost $4 trillion, including operations to date, accrued veterans medical and
disability costs; indirect costs to the Defense Department, social costs for
veterans' families and interest already paid. Any estimation of macroeconomic
costs, such as the impact of higher oil prices on weakening aggregate demand,
and the link between oil prices and decisions of the Federal Reserve to loosen
monetary and regulatory policy prior to the financial crisis, would easily raise
the cost to $5 or $6 trillion, (even if only a fraction of the "blame" is
attributed to the wars). (P. 20)
What did we buy for $4 trillion? *** These decisions extend far beyond the
initial choices made to invade Afghanistan; to invade Iraq and to expand US
military involvement in both countries. They include the decisions to expand
medical care and disability benefits for war veterans, to grow the Department of
Defense medical system; to increase military pay; to mobilize the Guards and
Reserves; to deploy and use up large quantities of basic equipment; to support
ongoing diplomatic presence and military assistance in the region; and to
finance the conflicts with debt.
The US military is reeling under the large and rapidly-growing cost of the TRICARE health care system, the supplementary military pay raises enacted during the war years and the diversion of defense budget dollars to support the requirements of veterans, which will dominate future defense spending. These commitments have already cost in the order of $700 to $800 billion, and are set to continue, unless there is a significant reversal of current policies. The base VA budget has nearly tripled during the period, with much of this growth now "baked in" to the consolidated national security budget. (PP. 20-21.)
The US military is reeling under the large and rapidly-growing cost of the TRICARE health care system, the supplementary military pay raises enacted during the war years and the diversion of defense budget dollars to support the requirements of veterans, which will dominate future defense spending. These commitments have already cost in the order of $700 to $800 billion, and are set to continue, unless there is a significant reversal of current policies. The base VA budget has nearly tripled during the period, with much of this growth now "baked in" to the consolidated national security budget. (PP. 20-21.)
In short, there will be no peace dividend, and the legacy of Iraq and
Afghanistan wars will be costs that persist for decades. (P. 21)
_____________________________
Winslow T. Wheeler
Director
Straus Military Reform Project,
Center for Defense Information at the
Project On Government Oversight (POGO)
301 791-2397 (home office)
301 221-3897 (cell)
Winslow T. Wheeler
Director
Straus Military Reform Project,
Center for Defense Information at the
Project On Government Oversight (POGO)
301 791-2397 (home office)
301 221-3897 (cell)
Bilmes March 2013.pdf 644K View Download |
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