Confederation Now: A Framework for Middle East Peace | Middle East Policy Council

Confederation Now: A Framework for Middle East Peace | Middle East Policy Council FM: John Whitbeck On January 25, 1988, the LOS ANGELES TIMES became the first publisher of my "Two States, One Holy Land" framework for peace, which, between 1988 and 2000, was published 40 times in various lengths and in the Arabic, Dutch, English, French, German and Hebrew languages. My framework for peace forms the second half (starting: "Sharing the Holy Land ...") of the essay transmitted below, which was published in the Spring 1993 issue of the Washington quarterly journal MIDDLE EAST POLICY. President Biden and spokespeople for his administration have recently been insisting on an almost daily basis that a "two-state solution" is the only "solution" and one that is very much in the interests of Israelis (the preeminent -- and perhaps exclusive -- U.S. government interest), and President Biden has recently opined, in a moment of lucidity, that there are "a number of types" of "two-state solutions", potentially including a demilitarized state. In this context, my venerable "compelling vision of a society so much better than the status quo" might suddenly be a vision of more than minor historical, road-not-traveled interest. The European Union and individual European governments (even Germany!) are following the American lead and climbing, at least rhetorically, aboard the "two-state solution" bandwagon. Indeed, even Keir Starmer, the ultra-Zionist leader of the British Labour Party and presumptive future prime minister, has recently stated: "Palestinian statehood is ... the inalienable right of the Palestinian people." Of course, at least until now, all such Western professions of support for a "two-state solution" have been transparent camouflage for actual support for the perpetuation of the status quo. The only way to test whether President Biden is now sincere and serious about actually achieving a "two-state solution" is for the State of Palestine to apply to the UN Security Council for a status upgrade from observer state to full member state and thereby to challenge the U.S. government to demonstate its sincerity and seriousness by not vetoing Palestine's application -- indeed, even better, by voting in favor of the application and itself joining the 139 other states, encompassing the vast majority of mankind, which have already extended diplomatic recognition to the State of Palestine. In the current circumstances and in the context of current American rhetoric, a decision to veto Palestinian statehood would be an act of profound self-harm and self-humiliation that would make the United States look ridiculous. UN member state status would not be purely symbolic. The occupation of the entire territory of a UN member state by another UN member state could not be permitted to continue indefinitely and without consequences. The writing would be well and truly on the wall. I continue to hope that the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah will seize this unprecedented but time-sensitive opportunity to transform the current two-state legality in international law into a two-state reality on the ground. http://www.mepc.org/journal/middle-east-policy-archives/confederation-now-framework-middle-east-peace