An ambitious Saudi campaign with the Egyptian army to destroy political Islam?

From Al Shafie Miles, http://us7.campaign-archive1.com/?u=2820afb1fbae0c99e88fb6f52&id=f79b7f7554&e=672f0b89c4

Conflicts Forum Weekly comment

It is becoming more and more clear that Gulf leaders and General Sisi intend – in the words of the former head of Mossad – Ephraim Halevy, to land a resounding and definitive public defeat on the Muslim Brotherhood. Unsurprisingly, Israel has become an enthusiastic collaborator in this project too, liaising directly with General Sisi, with whom Israel has maintained close relations since being Israel’s point-man in the Egyptian military with whom Israel co-ordinated on Sinai.  As a corrolary to the disabling of the Brotherhood, Hamas too increasingly is being demonized to the Egyptian public (by the Army):  It is being labelled as the ‘terrorist’ hidden hand behind the disorder in the Sinai (see here for an account of the angry public protests instigated against Meshaal and Haniya, when they visited Cairo shortly before the coup).             
We are not here talking therefore of any intent somehow to chasten and then bring back the newly contrite Muslim Brotherhood to participation in fresh coalition government in Cairo (as presented in the mainstream reporting), but rather the narrative emerging from the Gulf backers of General Sisi’s coup, in bracketing the Brotherhood and Hamas with al-Qai’da and as terrorists, is to unseat them from politics completely and definitively, in order – again using their words – to restore ‘moderate’ Islam to the region.  In short, the Army and some Gulf leaders are taking up Bush’s failed mission to re-make the politics of the Middle East and of Islam in their own image.

And what then is meant by this ‘moderate’ Islam that is to replace Brotherhood Islam?  The root meaning attached to ‘moderate’ by Gulf leaders is not what most westerners understand by the term.  Rather, it reaches back to the Nasserist era when the Saudi King began to co-opt those Brothers who had fled persecution in Egypt under Nasser to seek refuge in the Gulf, into two major al-Saud projects:  the first of these was that the MB intellectual resource was to be harnessed by the kingdom in order to give Wahhabism the academic respectability, which, until this point, it had wholly lacked; and the second initiative was make this newly respectable doctrine (Salafism) the sole legitimate ‘voice’ of Sunni Islam (this was the main purpose behind the Muslim World League, established in 1962). 

The Saudi King wished to see the end to the multiplicity of ‘voices’ in Islam, and to confine it to a singularity of expression.  And for this – and into this (especially the League), the Kingdom poured its vast oil resources (thus inadvertently and paradoxically, providing the funding which permitted the Brotherhood to lay down its MB cell system throughout the Gulf under the cloak of furthering the Saudi projects – a network which Gulf rulers now feel threatens them directly).  The Brothers did indeed draft for the al-Saud the ‘model’ of the first Muslim communities as the blueprint for modern Sunni Islam, but the Muslim Brothers then gave ‘the model’ their own strategic twist: they gave political ‘sovereignty’ to the people) – rather than to ‘traditional authority’; or in other words, to the King, as the Saudi’s had intended.  The al-Saud have never forgiven them.
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